The United States is further away from the Middle East Comment

Last week, the U.S. Senate approved a bill called the Innovation and Competition Agreement. As a result of a rare political expression between Democrats and Republicans, the main purpose of this project is to control the progress of China’s expansion of economic and political power in the world, among other measures, by injecting more than 200 billion in areas such as science, technology, research and cyber security through the United States.

The plan also outlines the outlines of the US strategy for building a new world geopolitical order. Competition with China will now manage US insertion and tactical and strategic operations in various geographical areas of the world and in different international forums.

By shifting the center of gravity of international relations to the Asia-Pacific region, the United States is redefining the order of priority of its strategic options. Moreover, under the guise of this new foreign policy theory, the Middle East is losing its importance in presenting American power in the world. Once the issue of the Iranian nuclear deal is resolved, the United States will continue the process of gradual layoffs in the region.

This tip is particularly evident in the light of the “insolvency” of the Israeli-Palestinian case – which is on the verge of becoming increasingly an internal Israeli issue. From an American perspective, this is not a complete abandonment of a historical ally. However, the Biden administration is no longer prepared to accept the responsibility that this conflict represents for its global interests and to lose the power to pursue a case of low geopolitical value in the face of competition with China – now with domestic consequences and costs.

The US position on self-defense of Israel on issues such as human rights is politically costly, with the Democratic base being a point of concern for the White House. In Washington’s view, strengthening the dominant political groups against the existence of two states associated with the apparent colonial expansion in the West Bank – it is increasingly impossible to accept a vague story in the political-humanitarian field.

China is already completing three decades of justification for the confiscation of housing in East Jerusalem, civil strife within Israel, the illegal expansion of settlements in the Palestinian territories, and threats to annex key parts of the West Bank, especially to US diplomats and supporters of failed peace processes. Is obviously competitive.

Washington, realizing that the case could be more of a setback than an improvement, is forced to distance itself from the stumbling blocks created by the Netanyahu era. The policy of the Netanyahu government, through its concessions to extremist groups, has inherited two entropies that are difficult for Israel to remove without deep shock: 1) the Jewish-Arab-Israeli civil conflict; 2) The growing perception abroad that the Netanyahu era paved the way for a apartheid regime.

The formation of the new government in Israel means maintaining everything State The social situation may worsen in the future. In view of this and the new geo-strategic priorities, Biden tends to avoid the responsibility of representing the unresolved nature of cases, including its growing socio-humanitarian costs. The policy of gradual layoffs in the Middle East launched under the Obama administration is already underway. America’s focus and energy will shift to competition with China.